On February 6, 2025, Human Rights Action Group (HRAG) and No Business With Genocide (NBWG) sponsored a congressional briefing on the growing influence of authoritarian regimes. This briefing examined the broader trends and developments of the growing authoritarian nexus, including its use of non-state actors as proxies and the collaboration involved in perpetrating both internal repression and external aggression. China, Russia, and Iran are at the centre of this nexus, but smaller authoritarian regimes also contribute, working together to further their repressive and destabilizing agendas. These regimes tend to support each other militarily, financially, and diplomatically. The panel, featuring Julie Millsap, Dr. Ewelina U. Ochab, Nyrola Elimä, Isabelle Terranova, and Sarah Teich proposed legal and policy solutions that rights-respecting nations can adopt to protect victims of these regimes and strengthen global human rights protections worldwide.
China’s Oppression of Uyghur Muslims and Growing Influence
Nyrola Elimä, an independent researcher and journalist whose work has appeared in The New York Times, described global concern over the possible deportations of 48 Uyghur men from Thailand to China, and characterized these efforts as indicative of the Chinese government’s expansive authoritarian influence and its ability specifically to coerce other nations into deporting Uyghur asylum seekers, even though such actions constitute breaches of various international laws, including the principle of non-refoulement and international legal obligations under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
China’s influence in the region goes back more than one decade: in 2015, Thailand deported 109 Uyghurs back to China, after which its relations with Beijing strengthened significantly. Similarly, in 2009, Cambodia deported 29 Uyghur asylum seekers under intense pressure from China, which was soon followed by the signing of 14 bilateral agreements. Host countries that comply with China’s demands receive economic or military aid in return, incentivizing this behaviour. Since 2020, China has become Thailand’s largest foreign investor. The two nations have also expanded their military ties, including arms deals and joint training exercises, illustrating how detaining and deporting Uyghurs may benefit host countries. Instead of protecting Uyghur asylum seekers, several countries submit to China’s pressure, a trend observed as well in Pakistan, Malaysia, and several other Central Asian states. Compounding the problem is the fact that in many instances, the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) fails to issue refugee certificates, in Thailand for example citing a lack of access to the immigration detention centres in which Uyghurs are held. As a result, even Uyghur asylum seekers who apply for status and protection from UNHCR face deportation.
Julie Millsap, China expert and government relations manager at NBWG, shared her observations that the Biden administration had taken an inconsistent stance on China’s abuses, and so far, the Trump administration has appeared to sideline human rights issues. She recommended that U.S. policy emphasize multilateral engagement and clear legislative measures to combat China’s abuses. For instance, she noted that more steps should be taken to address transnational repression, beginning with creating a formalized and consistent definition of the practice, which might among other things provide law enforcement with a better understanding of these threats and enhanced ability to prosecute perpetrators.
Russian Repression in Sudan and Ukraine
Dr. Ewelina U. Ochab, programme lawyer with the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute, described the commission by Russian troops of sexual violence against Ukrainians, abduction and russification of Ukrainian children, and indiscriminate targeting of Ukrainian civilians and civilian objects. Governmental and legislative bodies around the world, including in Poland, Canada, and Ireland, have determined that these acts amount to genocide. In 2023, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Russian president Vladimir Putin, focusing on his responsibility for atrocity crimes in Ukraine.
Russian repression extends to other regions, including through the use of proxy actors. Dr. Ochab explained that, for example, the Wagner Group, a Russian state-backed private military company, has played a key role in perpetrating atrocities in Sudan’s Darfur region. While Russia appears to be at least somewhat aiding both sides, the Wagner Group has forged ties with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), who have been credibly accused of committing genocide. Dr. Ochab noted that Russia may be leveraging such alliances to establish a smuggling network, enhancing its ability to funnel Sudanese gold through Dubai before transferring it to Russia to help finance its war in Ukraine. British policymakers have investigated Russia’s involvement in Sudanese conflicts, revealing the links between Russia’s destabilizing activities in Africa and its war in Ukraine.
Authoritarian Regimes and Terrorist Groups
Sarah Teich, international lawyer and co-founder of HRAG, described broader trends relating to authoritarian regimes’ use of terrorist groups as proxy actors. Beyond Russia’s use of the Wagner Group, the Iranian regime provides financial and logistical support to both Hamas and Hezbollah to advance its agenda in the Middle East. Specifically, Hamas and Hezbollah receive such support from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the body responsible for the promotion and enforcement of the ideals espoused by Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1979. The IRGC represses Iranian citizens internally in addition to exporting its ideology globally. In this context, it should come as no surprise that Hamas and Hezbollah each act in the best interests of the Iranian regime, repressing dissidents within their ranks. Further, Hezbollah’s ties to Latin American criminal networks additionally illustrate how terrorist groups collaborate with other non-state actors, and how criminal networks in particular may be used to provide financial support. Proxy organizations may also have their own proxies, which exist in sometimes complex and overlapping networks. For instance, the Canadian organization Samidoun was recently listed as a terrorist entity in Canada and the United States as evidence came to light that it acts as a fundraiser for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), which itself is a longtime ally of Hamas and supported by Iran.
The complexity of these networks is also increased by the reality that terrorist groups and other non-state actors may have multiple authoritarian supporters. For example, while Hamas is primarily supported by the IRGC, Turkey and Qatar provide them with refuge and support as well.
The Role of Eritrea
Isabelle Terranova, lawyer and legal researcher with HRAG, described Eritrea’s role in the global authoritarian network as an important but often-overlooked player. Led by dictator Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean regime has for decades engaged in gross human rights violations and atrocity crimes, both within its own borders and outside of them. Among other things, its forces engage in mass arbitrary detentions and forced labor against its own people, and the refoulement of Eritrean refugees from Ethiopia’s Tigray region back to Eritrea. Eritrean forces have also been found to be responsible for the commission of atrocities against Tigrayans in Tigray. In these endeavors, the Eritrean regime has enjoyed the support of other authoritarian regimes, including Turkey through the provision of military aid. Eritrea has also aligned itself with Russia, supporting Moscow in U.N. votes and securing arms deals. Finally, Eritrea’s integration into China’s Belt and Road Initiative underscores the financial dependencies that sustain its oppressive regime. The situation of Eritrea illustrates how countries like China, Russia, and Turkey unite to support smaller authoritarian actors worldwide. To counter this, rights-respecting democracies should band together to counteract their growing influence.
Eritrea’s partnerships with authoritarian states like Turkey, Russia, and China are driven by their shared anti-Western stance and tolerance for human rights abuses. Rights-respecting countries should be cautious about investing in nations complicit in such violations. However, holding Eritrea accountable presents significant challenges—its lack of participation in international bodies, refusal to cooperate with the U.N., and absence from the ICC limit the avenues available for pursuing justice. Additionally, authoritarian allies use their U.N. Security Council veto power to shield Eritrea from scrutiny.
Despite these obstacles, the U.S. and its allies can take concrete steps, including targeted sanctions against individuals and entities responsible for abuses, coordinating with allied states to enhance their impact, and protecting diaspora communities from transnational repression. Prosecuting perpetrators and ensuring that both victims and those responsible for atrocities are appropriately handled—such as barring human rights violators from seeking refuge—are essential measures in promoting accountability and upholding human rights globally.
The Need for Coordinated and Victims-Centred Actions
All panelists underscored the need for coordinated international action against authoritarian regimes and their proxies. Strengthening legislative measures and victim-centred policies will be essential in countering repression by authoritarian regimes and protecting vulnerable communities worldwide. Such measures should include pursuing accountability for perpetrators of gross human rights violations, to deter future crimes.
Critically, countering repression perpetrated by authoritarian regimes requires a clear understanding of their networks, and the enactment of policy measures that address these links effectively. Failure to do so can leave gaps that autocrats may exploit. For example, the Canadian government’s banning of Russian state broadcasters following Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine – but their failure to also ban Cubavision Internacional, which rebroadcasts Russian state content – arguably renders the ban on Russian state broadcasters meaningless. This example illustrates how significant gaps may persist to the extent that policymakers are unaware of, or fail to properly take into account, relationships between authoritarian actors.
Centring victims is crucial in any and all efforts. Among other things, Chinese dissidents, Uyghurs, and others targeted by authoritarian regimes may have critical knowledge of proxy actors. Empowering these communities and responding to their insights is essential for crafting effective countermeasures.
